CLIPS1996September July/August June May April March February January ARTICLES
Little Notes |
July/August 1996"THERE WEREN'T MANY BLACKS at the March for Life, and why not?" asks Tom Bethell in the June American Spectator. "A disproportionate number of blacks are aborted. The non-white abortion rate (54 per 1,000 women aged 15-44) is almost three times the white rate (20 per 1,000 women)...the District of Columbia has by far the highest rate in the country (138 per 1,000 women), while the 'whitest' states have the lowest abortion rates (Wyoming 4, Idaho and South Dakota 7, West Virginia 8, Utah 9). As a percentage of all abortions, the white percentage has decreased from 65 percent to 63 percent since the late 1980's..."Time and effort has also been spent by International Planned Parenthood to loosen up the anti-abortion laws in such countries as Nigeria, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia, Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Guinea, Burkino Faso. Question for the Black Caucus: What do those countries have in common? Are we beginning to get the picture yet? "'As far as the Black Caucus is concerned, they're all pro-abortion,' Chris Smith told me. 'There isn't a single exception among the women and men who make up the caucus...' "Until about 1980, the black leadership seemed to understand that the man had a plan. Jesse Jackson gave many anti-abortion speeches in the 1970's. After he and Dick Gregory spoke at the National Youth Pro-Life Coalition in New York, in 1974, the pro-abortion activist and clinic owner Bill Baird accused them of 'exploiting black women's bodies to act as breeding machines to give more political power to male black leadership.' Well, Baird won that debate. It turned out to be no contest. Jesse Jackson teamed up with the abortionists and the Rockefeller Republicans. "Coalition politics is what happened. In return for receiving their goodies from the white liberals -- minority set-asides, quotas, legal privileges and entitlements, racially gerrymandered districts -- the black leadership knew what they had to give in return: Full support for the feminist position on abortion... Eldridge Cleaver said recently that we now have 'the worst leadership in the black community since slavery.'" "Anna grew and thrived....One evening in the spring she became feverish; she died before dawn the next day (not from anything connected with Down's Syndrome)..." White explains how she set up the Anna Fund, in part to help fund Lejeune's research, in part to help English parents take their children to Lejeune in Paris. "I asked Professor Lejeune if we could have his treatment regime and research results so that we could set up a clinic in London and he readily agreed. Shortly afterwards we heard that he was dying of cancer. A few days before he died we asked if we could call the clinic the Lejeune Clinic and carry on his work; he replied 'Yes, that is the best thing that could happen.' He knew that the professor who was taking his place at the University of Paris and the hospital for sick children was not all pro-life; he did not know if his work had any future in Paris." "The bill does not contain any reference to the gestational age of the fetus/baby....The bill makes no reference whatever to 'intact dilation and evacuation' abortions....[late abortionist] Dr. McMahon used the term 'intact dilation and evacuation' to cover any procedure that resulted in an intact cadaver....This also included procedures to remove the bodies of babies who had died natural deaths in utero and procedures to remove the bodies of babies who had been deliberately killed in utero, neither of which is a partial-birth abortion as defined by the bill." Oh, says the woman quietly. But I guess it is not pain that she feels. It is more a recognition that the deed is being done. Another thrust and he has speared the uterus. We are in, he says. He has felt the muscular wall of the organ gripping the shaft of his needle. A further slight pressure on the needle advances it a bit more. He takes his left hand from the woman's abdomen. He retracts the filament of the stylet from the barrel of the needle. A small geyser of pale yellow fluid erupts. We are in the right place, says the doctor. Are you feeling any pain? he asks. She smiles, shakes her head. She gazes at the ceiling. In the room we are six: two physicians, two nurses, the patient, and me. I see something! It is unexpected, utterly unexpected, like a disturbance in the earth, a tumultuous jarring. I see a movement -- a small one. But I have seen it. And then I see it again. And now I see that it is the hub of the needle in the woman's belly that has jerked. First to one side. Then to the other side. Once more it wobbles, is tugged, like a fishing line nibbled by a sunfish. Again! And I know! It is the fetus that worries thus. It is the fetus struggling against the needle. Struggling? How can that be? I think: that cannot be. I think: the fetus feels no pain, cannot feel fear, has no motivation. It is merely reflex. I point to the needle. It is a reflex, says the doctor. "By then he had already gotten to know John McCloskey, an Opus Dei priest based in Princeton with a doctorate in theology and a reputation for helping intellectual seekers. "'He'd heard I was prowling around the edges of Catholicism,' the doctor says. 'He contacted me and we began to have weekly talks. He'd come to my house and give me reading materials....' "Other than McCloskey, the biggest influence on Nathanson's decision was Karl Stern, a world-renowned psychoanalyst who was one of his professors in the 1940s at McGill University Medical College in Montreal. Stern had converted from Orthodox Judaism to Catholicism in 1943 and later chronicled his spiritual journey in Pillar of Fire." "I write this as a Jesuit priest who agrees with Vatican II, which said abortion is virtually infanticide, and as a lawyer who wants the Clinton administration to do more to carry out its pledge to make abortions rare in this country." [Editor: Drinan voted consistently in Congress to promote abortion.] |